This is one of the best travelogues on northern Greece by a scholar who is an authority in second century Platonism. He calls it a sketch-book intended for anybody who has fallen in love with Greece. It is, he says, a mixed bag of autobiography (some of it gossipy and repetitive) together with slices of Macedonian and Byzantine history, to say nothing about my musings on the Orthodox Church, more especially the monasticism of Athos. He is especially attracted to Thessaloniki where he says he grasped the fundamental unity of Greek civilisation. He illustrates how this happened: It needed Thessaloniki and Mount Athos to open my eyes to Byzantium and to show me how the work by Pericles and Alexander was extended by the Ptolemies and after the many vicissitudes suffered by Christianity... was consummated by Constantine in the Empire of which Thessaloniki became the second capital city.
The late professor Andronikos (19191992) describes in this work the discovery in 1977 of the royal tombs in Verghina, a village 64 kilometers west of Thessaloniki. The techniques used, the attention paid to the conservation of the objects found and the promptness of publication attest to the high quality of the work carried out by the archaeological team under him. The exhibition of the exquisite Macedonian artefacts in Thessalonikis Archaeological Museum has ever since attracted admirers from all over the world. The book presents the richness of the finds, which, the author believes, are inappropriate to anyone but Philip II of Macedon, father of Alexander the Great. Phyllis Lehman in the American Journal of Archaeology, 84 (1980): 527-31 and 86 (1982): 437-42, begs to differ: she believes the tomb to be that of the epileptic Philip III Arrhidaios, the elder son of Philip II and half-brother of Alexander.
Written by an authority on the Kingdom of Macedon, this scholarly work, neither deflationary nor romantic, focuses on Alexanders public life. The author, using detailed maps, judges the campaigns with the eye of the professional soldier that he is, while managing to remain resolutely immune to any contamination of his material by the Alexander mythology. The de-romanticising process means in practice reliance on Alexanders biographer Arrian (objective, consistent, reliable) and leads Hammond to paint his hero as a great strategist and statesman who may well have founded seventy cities and taken his army to Babylon but is far from flawless. He is shown to have been cruel in the pursuit of his divineas he believedmission but also incredibly daring, compassionate, quick-minded. He was also pragmatic in respecting local customs, even local gods, in his attempt to build a vast, reasonably stable supra-national empire.
In this carefully researched and amply documented presentation of the life and times of Antigonus Monophthalmos (the one-eyed), one of the Macedonian generals who succeeded Alexander the Great, Professor Billows sets out to prove that his unfavourable portrayal by ancient and modern historians is somewhat unjustified. Antigonus was, according to him, instrumental in building a reasonably stable Seleucid Empire in Asia and a decisive statesman who had learned much from Philip of Macedon and even more from Philips son Alexander the Great. He is also credited by Professor Billows to have been the first Macedonian potentate to be moved by a genuine desire to grant real autonomy to the cities of mainland Greece.
The terms epicurean, stoic and sceptic have entered everyday language and are used much more extensively than platonic (Aristotelian has not become a meaningful adjective in its own right, it only refers to Aristotle). Nonetheless, the primary sources of these Hellenistic schools of thought were for a long time neglected in western Universities. The tide turned in the 1980s as David Sedley explains in his introductory paper The Protagonists which provides the background for the detailed studies to follow. Scepticism is shown to have begun as a systematic denial that either reason or perception can provide a foundation for trustworthy beliefs. In Can the Sceptic live his Scepticism? Myles Burneat brings the dry pages of Sextus Empiricus to life by closely examining and ultimately rejectingas Hume dida life without belief. C. C. W. Taylor argues in his All Perceptions are True that the Epicureans did, in fact, advance an interesting theory of evidence. In his Original Notion of Cause Michael Fede discusses the Stoics theory of causation while Richard Sorabji deals with their morality. Other scholars deal with special aspects of Hellenistic thought.
This blockbuster of a book aims to offer a coherent picture of a seemingly chaotic age (323 to 31 BC) by presenting an admittedly complex but still unified and interdependent Mediterranean scene. The outcome, however, is still in many senses a bewildering mess. The Hellenistic agewhich, for some reason he seems to dislikemeans for Green three centuries of dynastic oppression by thuggish war lords in charge of Empires, who never even bothered to learn the languages of their subjects. They stand accused of having stamped out the traditional city-values, reducing Athens to a university town, and fighting it out amongst themselves until the Romans mercifully put them out of their collective misery. The author is quite outspoken. Mark Antony was that louche lump of a self-indulgent Roman with his bull neck, Herculean vulgarities and fits of mindless introspection. Epicurus was a propertied contractor-out who developed his precept of lathe biosas (get through life without attracting attention) as a means of personal survival during the wars of succession. Stoicism was a system serving both God and Mammon. The Cynics were drop-outs who sponged on society and displayed publicly their habits of ostentatious poverty, sexual license and rejection of all social restraints while their philosopher Bion of Borysthenes was vulgar, caustic, arrogant, exhibitionistic, perhaps an ex-slave. For those willing to discount Greens highly personal approach, this work is a mine of information about the Hellenistic age.
Sometime in the 1980s, the period in history which in the middle of the 19th century Johan Gustav Droysen called Hellenismus ceased to be regarded as a transitional black hole between the glory that was Greece and the grandeur that was Rome. As a result of this reappraisal, a spate of books trying to make sense of the sprawling, feuding Empires ruled by the successors of Alexander started to gain popularity. Michael Grants comprehensive yet very readable survey shows what happened when Alexanders conquests opened the doors of the tight little Greek world where for more than a century (480 to 360 BC) the city states of Greece had been fighting each other. The author considers the Hellenistic period to have been one of widespread innovation as shown by the emergence of a host of original thinkers and scientists besides Epicurus, Theocritus, Euclid, Archimedes and Ptolemy.
Hellenistic meaning Greekish rather than Greek was an adjective that many scholars interpreted at first as denoting a period of Greek decadence. An early signal of change in that attitude is provided in the Introduction to this work in a quote from a lecture by M. Rostovtzeff delivered in Oxford in 1920: Athens moulded everlasting specimens of beauty and thought. The Greeks of the Hellenistic period, continuing the work of the Athenians, made these specimens available to millions. Lewis shows indeed how Alexanders conquests did open up vast areas for Greek settlement attracting thousands of landless, poverty-stricken citizens from the poleis (including victorious Spartans) devastated by the Peloponnesian war. Once the situation had stabilised, after Alexanders death, with Ptolemy in charge of Egypt, Seleukos of Syria and Antigonos of Macedon Greeks came pouring in. Ptolemaic Egypt was no melting pot, the author argues with great conviction. A Graeco-Macedonian elite was always firmly in control allowing only a handful of Hellenizing native Egyptians to join them such as Menkhes, the village clerk and Panebkhounis the soldier whose upward mobility is presented here in some detail. The book takes the form of vignettes built around individuals, such as Kleon, the irrigation engineer, Nikanor the banker, Dryton the Greek cavalry officer, Diophanes the provincial governor and the intriguing Ptolemy, distant relative of the royal family, who became a recluse in the temple of Serapis for reasons that the papyri do not divulge.
Six expert contributors (including the two editors) have joined forces in this work to do justice to the indigenous Eastern cultures overrun by Alexander the Great and inherited by the Seleucid dynasty. Dr Sherwin-White argues that a patchwork the Seleucid Empire may well have been but weak it was not. She also disposes of the myth that the Seleucids were averse to using natives in their administration. Amelie Kuhrt shows that Berossos Babyloniaka was a text written to provide the Seleucid dynasty with an ideological support in terms of the Babylonian traditions that they deeply respected. Jean-Franηois Salles in a paper translated from the French comments on new evidence pointing to a system of highly regulated relations with the natives. Fergus Millar, in discussing The Problem of Hellenistic Syria recommends caution in drawing hasty conclusions on Greek influence in Hellenistic times, given the sparseness of reliable evidence and Malcolm Colledge traces the stages of adulteration of the purely Greek element in the art of the Hellenistic East.
The term Hellenistic the author believes carries a connotation not so much of diluted Hellenism, but rather of a Hellenism extended to non-Greeks, with the clash of cultures which that inevitably implies. The authors emphasis in this survey of a world largely ignored by scholars for a long time, is on the third and second centuries BC where the greatest achievements of the Hellenistic age (323 BC to 30 BC) belong. He documents the gradual decline in the number of the Greco-Macedonian elites ruling the vast Hellenistic Empires- often at war with each otheruntil, as he puts it the Hellenistic world shorn of everything east of the Euphrates, was incorporated into the Roman Empire. When in the fourth century AD the Roman Empire itself split into two halves the Hellenistic world still enjoyed a ghostly existence in Byzantium.
Alexander, King of Macedon, called the Great by the Romans, survives in folk memory mainly in snapshots: casting a spear into Asiatic soil to claim symbolically the Persian Empire; cutting the Gordian knot; being admonished by the tube-dwelling cynic Diogenes to stand out of his sunlight; weeping because there were no more worlds for him to conquer. Most of these storiesand certainly the last oneare probably fictional. Evidence for Alexanders career derives almost entirely from five secondary sources none of whom lived less than 300 years after his death: Diodoros Siculus wrote between 60-30 BC, Plutarch (50120 AD), Quintus Curtius Rufus wrote around 43 AD, Justin probably in the third century AD and Arrian, the most reliable of them all, a Greek from Bithynia lived in the second century AD. Astonishingly this is the firstin any languagecommentary on Arrian. The author is knowledgeable, judgmental without being opinionated, illuminating and immensely helpful to Greekless readers.
Bulloch, Anthony et al.(Eds), Images and ideologies. Self-definition in the Hellenistic world, Berkeley, California: University of California Press. Distributed in the UK by Chichester, Wiley, 1994, 414p.
In this wide-ranging work which covers kingship theory, literary output, portrait statuary and philosophy, Hellenistic Man (but also Woman) is shown to lead a rootless existence in fear of the whims of unpredictable Fortune and to become increasingly addicted to a variety of soteriological cults. This collection of papers analyses the answers that different schools of thought gave to the basic Socratic question of how to live , which looms large in Hellenistic culture.
This posthumous book published in cooperation with the Jewish Theological Seminary of America dealsin the words of the Prefacewith stability and change in Jewish society during the first centuries of the Greek age i.e. from Alexanders conquest of the Middle East until approximately 175 BC. The Greek dynasties did introduce welcome technological innovations (the potters wheel, the rotary mill, the oil press and Archimides screw for lifting water) but their emphasis on athletics, nakedness and widespread secular beliefs made some Jews fear that their traditions, diet habits and monotheistic religion were at risk. However, as Bickerman explains, influenced by Greek attitudes favouring open inquiry, there appeared for the first time lay Jews interpreters of the Law who kept the knowledge alive after the destruction of the Temple. In Egypt and Babylon where only the priests were privy to the holy texts, the cults vanished with them without trace. As the Jews lacked an educational system of their own it was thanks to the Septuagint and the works of Jewish intellectuals such as Philowho knew only Greekthat they kept contact with their ancestral faith.
Hatzopoulos, M. B., Macedonian institutions under the Kings. i) A historical and epigraphic study. ii) Epigraphic appendix, Athens: Research Center for Greek and Roman AntiquityNational Hellenic Research Foundation, 1996, 2 vols. Plates, maps.
These two volumes are the first to make use of the results of an ambitious project begun in 1981 to collect, classify and evaluate the six thousand odd inscriptions unearthed in the Greek province of Macedonia in recent years thanks to the new methods of deep ploughing and also to the housing boom in the area. The author believes that the new evidencewhich seems inexhaustible as new inscriptions keep turning uprevolutionises the generally accepted image of pre-Roman Macedonia. The inscriptions are in Greek with only a few in the local Greek Macedonian dialect, the gods are Greek and so are the rites of passage, the customs, and the culture. More importantly, Hatzopoulos proves that at least from the 4th century BC onwards Macedonia formed a Commonwealth of autonomous cities. These Macedonian poleis were corporate bodies owning land, possessing a treasury, passing legislative regulations, granting citizenship and perhaps also the right of enktesis or leasing public property; for all other matters they deferred to the larger regional units and to the central authorities: the King with his Council but also the Common Macedonian Assembly. The complexity and sophistication of these Hellenic institutions in ancient Macedon are only just starting to become known.
Top scholars such as the editors themselves and George Forrest, Simon Hornblower, Peter Levi, Robin Lane Fox and others make this collection of essays covering a thousand years of Greek history a book interesting to read and valuable to refer to. In Prof. Griffins brilliant introduction, some of the basic questions bequeathed by the Greeks to posterity, dealt with in this volume, are enumerated. What is the ultimate source of law, human or divine? Should the family be abolished in favour of the State (Plato abolished it in theory and the Spartans went a long way towards abolishing it in fact). Is civil disobedience sometimes right? (Sophocles Antigone is a classic discussion) What justifies a state ruling other states, or is there no such justification but only the ruthless logic of power? (This greatly exercised Thucydides). What is the role of heredity and what of education in the formation of character? This volume brings out the astonishing modernity of Greek political thought, art and philosophy as well as the flourishing of Greek culture when the poleis were still independent with its inherently competitive character and its extraordinary feeling for form.
Churchill is said to have been inspired by Demosthenes Philippics in his pre-war speeches against Hitler. However, as this work shows, the divide was not then as clear-cut as in the Europe of the 1930s. Prominent Athenians such as Isocrates, an able academic pamphleteer, and Aeschines, an orator of dignified presence, were genuinely and deeply attracted to a Pan-Hellenic vision of unity which meant, in practice, conceding to Philip the leadership of Greece to fight the Persians. The author calls Demosthenes greatly wrong-headed. He depicts Philip as a strong man who overcame speedily his humiliation of having spent his adolescence as a royal hostage in Thebes; a courageous man to have crushed the insurgent chieftains beyond his borders; a cunning man to have foiled the plots against him by treacherous pretenders; a master of statecraft and a military genius to boot. For Cawkwell Philip was a man of exceptional charisma, a great menace to the fragmented, feuding southern Greeks, but also a leader who, unlike his son Alexander the Great, knew both how to fight and when to stop.
Philip of Macedon, a king with a vision who unified the Greeks having first conquered their city-states one-by-one, has suffered from a bad press owing mainly to Demosthenes Philipics against him. However, the discoveries of the royal tombs at Verghina by Professor Andronikos in 1977 have stimulated interest in this Macedonian monarch who built a formidable army and was already planning an invasion of Persia by 346 BCan ambitious project which his son Alexander the Great was to carry out brilliantly after his death. The Greek scholars who edited this beautifully illustrated book have collected a series of papers by leading experts, covering many of the lesser known aspects of Philips personality and rein. Among them are Manolis Andronikos writing on The Royal Tombs at Aigai (Verghina), George Cawkell on Philip and Athens, J. R. Ellis on The Unification of Macedonia N. G. L. Hammond on The End of Philip and many others.
Alexander the Great draws after him authors today as he drew fighters in his own lifetime A short man with at least one blue eye, dashing in battle, brave, occasionally chivalrous he was often unpredictably impetuous, passionate and prone to violence in his private life. Well read without being bookish, this brilliant, if at times too adventurous military leader who practised for the first time in human history a policy of enlightened imperialism appealed to the Romans—and the British for that matter—who boosted his image in every way possible. His grandiose scheme of homogenising Greeks and Persians through mass weddings between his soldiers and local ladies was cut short by his death, probably from malaria. Amongst the numerous Alexandrias he built, one emerged as a marvel city at the mouth of the Nile to become the cultural capital of Hellenistic Greece. The authors search for Alexander, conducted as much on the ground as in libraries was commissioned by Time-Life, as was the exhibition by the same name which cut a dazzling swath through Americas great museums in 1981. The authors verve and youth (he wrote the book when he was 35) should not detract the reader from the fact that this is serious history.
Prof. Dakins study chronicles the violent clashes of Greek, Serbian and Bulgarian armed bands for the control of Ottoman-held Macedonia. The conflict started in 1897 and ended with Bulgarias defeat in the second Balkan war when the Greek army entered Thessaloniki on 8th November 1912. The Bulgars started this war of the irregulars, by sending their comitadjis to support the Internal Macedonian Revolutionary Organisation (IMRO) then militating in favour of Macedonia for the Macedonians. Sofia expected with good reason that an autonomous Macedonia would be sooner rather than later be incorporated into Bulgaria as had happened with Eastern Rumelia. In the authors words, the Greeks waged in this case a second war of Greek independence ... without any support from the European powers. The author gives an extensive account of this bloody conflict which resulted in the total destruction of the IMRO and the partition of Macedonia among Greece, Serbia and Bulgaria after the second Balkan war.
Tatsios, Theodore George, The Megali Idea and the Greek-Turkish war of 1897: the impact of the Cretan revolution on Greek irredentism, 18661897 New York: East European Monographs, Boulder, distributed by Columbia University Press, 1984, 302p.
With the Ottoman Empire in its death throes at the end of the 19th century, the questionthe Eastern Questionof what was to become of its real estate legacy acquired some urgency in Europe. The Great Powers intense rivalry and the aspirations of the Balkan people themselves led to a series of violent eruptions that earned the area the appellation: the powder keg of Europe. The author of this book traces the birth and the development of Greek irredentism (the Megali Idea or Great Cause) which focused on the single issue of liberating Turkish-held lands populated by Greeks even at the expense of the economic development of the Greek Kingdom itself. In the 1850s these territories included the Asia Minor coast with Smyrna at its centre; the Aegean islands not yet part of the new Greek nation-state; Crete, Thessaly and Epiros (including the southern part of todays Albania) Macedonia and Thrace. More controversially the Megali Idea included eastern Thrace and Constantinople itself destined to become the capital of the new state which some Greeks envisioned as the rebirth of a Greek Empire.
According to Kofos, the perceptions of the Ecumenical Patriarch, Joachim III concerning Macedonia, Thrace and Mount Athos were influenced by the traditional role of his high office. His main concern was to avoid a confrontation with the Slav Orthodox people in the Balkans that a collaboration between Greece and Turkey (according to the Trikoupis plan) would generate. The author notes that "dedicated supporters of irredentism would rather see him raising the Greek colours on the mast of the Ecumenical Patriarchate".
This article supports the view that historiography on the Struggle for Macedonia has until now varied with the political exigencies of the day. Active participation and sacrifice in this struggle by Greek irregulars fighting their Bulgarian counterparts with the help of the Greek state have evolved into an important symbol of patriotic commitment and have also been used as an argument to support Greek foreign policy. The author argues, however, that the deliberate preservation of a specific historic memory instead of consolidating social unity has often hindered the social integration of all those who didn't necessarily agree on all thebiasedassessments of the past.
This paper provides a synopsis of Salonica's demographic, social, and commercial development from 1830 to 1912. It argues that the integration of its local multi-ethnic society was never completed and shows that in spite of the various forms of co-operation and rapprochement, the forces of nationalism proved, in the end, stronger.
This book examines the contribution of railways to the social and economic developments in Macedonia in the forty-year period preceding the Balkan wars. It deals briefly with the political context and state of the Macedonian economy in the mid 19th century. The author describes in detail the different construction projects, the railway services and their impact on agriculture, industry, trade, and the local market. The last part is devoted to the social implications of these changes. Gounaris maintains that, overall, railways accelerated the economic and social disintegration of the region although state-controlled services were improved.
The author, a well known writer, historian, scholar and British officer closely involved with the Greek resistance against the Nazis in Macedonia during the war, wrote this book on the basis of the extensive signals records, situation reports and occasional papers of Major (later LieutenantΡColonel) R. R. Prentice who was the British officer in charge in this area. Hammond focuses on the nature, aims and policy of EAM-ELAS the left-wing guerrilla organisation that dominated the Greek resistance movement in Macedonia as elsewhere. He describes their ruthless fight against all rivals, the strained relations with the British and their pursuit of supremacy in order to gain power by violent means in a liberated Greece. He does admit that local ELAS units fought well and expresses high regard for some individuals in the movement. Interestingly, he wholeheartedly applauds the Socialist Governments decision in 1981 to grant a full amnesty and recognition to all resistors regardless of their policies.
The author, a wartime saboteur, captain in the British army, was flown into Western Macedonia in 1944 to join the British mission and stayed there until 1946. He learned to speak Greek so well that he could, as he says pass as a native on the telephone. Having developed a real affection for Greece, he wrote this book covering the turmoil in the country as the Nazi occupation drew to its end. He sees the Greek civil war as originating in the right wing backlash against the communist atrocities committed after the Germans departure and blames the British for not having imposed the rule of law at an early stage. On the basis of evidence brought to light later he accepts that there was no planned assault on Athens in December 1944 by the Communists; that the belief in Soviet intervention we now know to have been exaggerated and he even admits to the wide unacceptability of the King. His eyewitness account of life in Western Macedonia during the last three months of the German occupation with the feuding guerrilla organisations of EDES (on the right) and ELAS (on the left) is vivid and informative. What we had seen he concludes had been primarily a Greek tragedy; but it was one with which we were inextricably linked. Our tragedy was that it need never have happened.
The author investigates the development of emigration to the New World in its particular political context and evaluates its social and economic repercussions. The first part describes the growth of the population movement in the late 19th century and the second links emigration to political upheaval in early 20th century. The third part refers to emigrants' social stratification and the mechanisms of emigration.
The author of this book has been vilified by Greek chauvinists and praised by western journalists for having allegedly championed the cause of ethnic Macedonians in Greece. She has done no such thing. She simply explores how people in a village formerly known as Guvezna twenty some kilometres from Thessaloniki as she specifies, now named Assiros came to see themselves as belonging to this group rather than the other. She soon realises that in Macedonia ethnic identity, is a fluid, historically rooted construct subject to change. People are shown to choose (sometimes under pressure) who they want to be. In trying to grasp how these processes work she concludes: Nationalism and national ideology "Otherizes" those who do not meet their definitional criteria of group membership; the formation of a self-conscious nation then minoritises such Others; and the attainment of territorial nation-statehood effectively ethnicises those minorities. She insists that ethno-cultural creation does not create something out of nothing seemingly, unaware that only God is supposed to have achieved this. All this is theory. In practice she deals with Slavic speakers, a termshe specifiesthat denotes a population cohort rather than a self-conscious group. So these users of a Slavic idiom do not seem, after all, to constitute a minority in Greece, let alone an ethnic one. The name she has given them does not even distinguish them from the Russian speaking Pontic Greeks. The book is valuable not because it deals with a minority in Greece but for describing in all its picturesque detail the process of Hellenisation of the villagers in Assiros. There is the case of a Greek teacher-cum-national activist who barely escaped death during the Macedonian Struggle (1898-1906) through the intercession of a cousin he had in the Bulgarian army. There is the case of Paskalina who entered school as a monolingual Slavic speaker and graduated as a Greek. Her colourful CV contained stories of persecution that were attributed to Bulgarians or Greeks as circumstances dictated. Interestingly, when during the Second World War, the Assiriotes were offered an abundance of food by the Bulgarian authorities of occupation if they registered with them as Bulgarians, none did so. She also presents plenty of gossipy evidence on mixed marriages with Greek husbands forbidding their wives to use their Slavic idiom at home. This interesting book of anthropological fieldwork showing how and why people in Assiros chose Greekness, is unfortunately marred by serious historical mistakes. The Greco-Turkish war in Asia minor took place in 1919-1922 and not in 1922-23 as she mentions four times (p141,142,144,200); Venizelos did not preside over the Lausanne Conference (p145), he merely represented Greece there; the evzoni were not Greek Independence fighters (p198) but a military unit so named long after Greece became a nation-state; it is simply not true that the British moved to support Kemals Government at a critical moment in Greeces Asia Minor campaign (p 287); Metaxas did not die in 1940 (p 295) but in 1941; the Italian government did not seek in October 1940 right of passage for its troops through Greece in order to invade Ethiopia (p 302) because the Ethiopian campaignthat had started in 1936had long finished by then; the civil war in Greece did not end in 1947 but in 1949(p 303).
The author, a Professor of Anthropology at Bates College, examines the Macedonian conflict in the light of the construction of national identities, the invention of traditions and the role of the state in nation building. Danforth attempts an anthropological deconstruction of the nation but is not entirely at home neither with the relevant concepts (of ethnicity and nationality) or with history as a scholarly discipline. He relies mainly on current anthropological and oral evidence rather than historical sources and is therefore somewhat cavalier with historical detail. The borders of the Macedoniasin the plural, i.e. Greek, Bulgarian and Serbwere not fixed in 1913 (p. 28) but at the end of the First World War. The Macedonian question was not raised for the first time in Yugoslavia in 1989 (p. 134) but in 1943. The Greek province was named "Governorship General of Macedonia" in 1912 and not in 1988 (p. 157), to name some of the more glaring factual errors in a book which is otherwise quite readable.
The author asserts confidently that it is not because you are Greek that you engage in what we may call "Greek" practices, it is because you engage in "Greek" practices that you think yourself Greek. That holds also true, it seems, for the Slavo-Macedonians who hope that their practices (name, flag etc.) will turn Macedonia from a regional into a national label. To succeed, the elites of the Former Yugoslav Republic of Macedonia needed an anomalous other to deny their new identity and thus help them cement it. Greece obliged. The only way out is for the Greeks to follow a cryptic injunction by Lacan and free themselves of the aphanistic effect of the binary signifier, meaning, the author tells us, that they should rid themselves of the delusional effects of their identity and accept the use of the term Macedonia by their neighbours.
Having been challenged by three Greek scholars on her essay blaming Greece for the repression of its Slavo-Macedonian citizens, the author of this response states that the majority of the ethnic Slavo-Macedonians interviewed are ardent Greek patriots. She also accepts that national activists from the FYROM are attempting to export a "Macedonian" national ideology to Slavic speakers in Greeces north-western frontier. She admits that Greek authorities have had legitimate anxieties about the expansionist designs of neighbouring states against Greek territorial integrity. She agrees that today the use of the Slavic vernacular is no longer prohibited and that Slavo-Macedonians can hold their festivals though often the music is devoid of words except late at night after most of the outsiders have departed. However, she adds that some individuals do sing "Macedonian" nationalist songs, imported from the FYROM, which justifiably outrages the police. She ends by urging her critics to overcome the reductionist USTHEM categories of national ideology.
The author, a modern-day traveller to northern Greece with an anthropologists eyeand earfor the incongruous, was only moderately surprised when one rainy evening in a village above the town of Edessa she heard a speaker of a local Slavic idiom tell her this was Macedonian, the language of Alexander the Great. Other such speakers specified that they were not understood far beyond the borders of Greece. Relying mostly on oral evidence she postulates the existence of an ethnicnot nationalminority discriminated against by the Greek authorities for its cultural distinctiveness, as was the case 60 years ago under the Metaxas regime. She blames the Church, the State and Greek intellectualschoosing to quote firebrands like N. Martis and C. Vacalopoulos while ignoring mainstream historians such as E. Kofos and J. Koliopoulosfor attempting to Hellenise the Slavo-Macedonians by force. A Greek doctoral thesis of 1946 is used as proof of academic racism. The politicisation of Slavo-Macedonian language, legends, folklore, songs, dances and rituals she concludes has rendered this culture so sensitive a political issue that it can no longer be permitted to exist.
The American and British policies, which contributed to the tortuous process of normalisation between Greece and Yugoslavia following Tito's expulsion from the Cominform are examined in this study. It also deals with the reactions of Athens and Belgrade as recorded in the American and British archives. The "Macedonian Question" and the problem of abducted Greek children, as well as broader Cold War issues affecting the Balkans, feature prominently.
On the issue of Greeces dispute with her northern neighbour, the former British Foreign Secretary appointed as mediator in Yugoslavia by the EU, says in this book (p.75) that to the Greeks with the northern part of their country called Macedonia it was offensive to have an independent state called Macedonia on their borders. He speaks out against Skopjes decision to use the Verghina star on their flag and put on their stamps a Greek castle in Thessaloniki, which showed more than a theoretical claim to Greek territory. In view of such provocation, he was not surprised that nationalist politicians in Greece were able to whip up a national outcry... When Vance and I visited Athens in September we had found Prime Minister Mitsotakis wrestling with a major political problem which some other EC governments dismissed too lightly. He then reveals that at Boutros Ghalis suggestion he and Vance chose for all purposes the name Republic of Nova Macedonija, whichboth parties rejected for opposite reasons.
This collection of four articles (two in French, two in German) written over thirty years (from 1897 to 1928) show their author, a prominent Greek linguist and scholar, using arguments based essentially on linguistic analysis to prove the Greekness of the Ancient Macedonians. He points out that nowhere is it mentioned in the sources that southern Greeks ever needed interpreters to discuss matters of importance with the Macedonians, as for instance had often been the case with the Persians. Modern archaeological research seems to have largely confirmed Hadjidakis insights.
The inhabitants of the Former Yugoslav Republic of Macedonia argues the author of this article, a researcher at the Institute for Balkan Studies in Thessaloniki, have the inalienable right to establish their own independent state and to define themselves as they wish... But what no one can control or guarantee (and this is precisely where Greece's fears lie) is the possibility that this state may one day be used as a basis for claims against Greece". (p. 99). He voices Greek concerns over the 1923 Comintern concept of a single Macedonia that may rekindle past irredentist designs at the expense of Greece's territory.
This is an account of Balkan multilateral diplomacy between 1975-89 and Greece's failure to reap any advantages from the collapse of communism. Although initially opposed to EU recognition of rump states that would soon multiply the problems bedeviling Yugoslavia, the Greek Foreign Minister finally agreed with his German counterpart to fall in line with the recognition of Slovenia and Croatia. By doing so, he hoped to secure EU support for putting pressure on the Socialist Republic of Macedonia to abandon its irredentist claims on Greece's province of Macedonia. This work contains a critical review of the mishandling of the `Macedonian issue', followed by an analysis of the elusive content of Greek nationalism and its transformations. The author believes that Greece is belatedly shedding its cold war ballast of insecurities and is resuming a generous foreign-policy orientation. Current literature on the Balkans is appraised in a review chapter.
This is a brief but thorough analysis of Greece's `Macedonian' entanglement between 1990-92. The author deals with a period during which Greece could still depend on European political cooperation to extract a compromise on the issue of the recognition of the Former Yugoslav Republic of Macedonia. Subsequent developments undermined the principle of cooperation and turned members of the EU into critics of the Greek position. The internal constraints on foreign policy-making are given due consideration.
This paper deals with a salient issue of the Greek civil war. Under the weight of 19th century conflicting national claims in the Balkans and the destabilizing schemes of the Commintern in the interwar period, the Macedonian question became the focus of wartime conflict in Greece's northern province. During the annexation and occupation of Greek Macedonia by Bulgarian and German forces respectively, strife in that region was not just a contest between communist and non-communist forces, but also between different concepts of ethnicity. According to the author, the real protagonists of the Macedonian question after the end of the war were Yugoslavia's communist leaders and their creation, the Socialist Republic of Macedonia.
The author, an assistant Professor at SUNY College at New Paltz, analyses the impact of Yugoslav Macedonian nationalism on Greek foreign policy and emphasises the importance of symbols and ideas as sources of interstate disputes. Greece, according to Zahariadis, has pursued a vigorous campaign to block recognition of the Former Yugoslav Republic of Macedonia (FYROM) in order to oblige that state to adopt an appellation other than "Macedonia". Such a name, Greek officials charged, posed a security threat to Greek sovereignty, because it served as a stimulus for irredentist claims over the wider geographic region of Macedonia. The author argues that recognition under the term "Macedonia", (without a prefix), poses two threats that contradict one another: low-intensity conflict and collapse of the Former Yugoslav Republic of Macedonia, the latter being the more dangerous of the two.
Since the collapse of Communism in Eastern Europe, the Macedonian issue has assumed special significance in the Balkan region. The author's approach demonstrates the diversity of views on the issue and although he highlights Greece's position, he is not uncritical of policies pursued by the Greek government.
The author, an assistant Professor of political science at the State University of New York, examines the effects of nationalism as an external stimulus on foreign policy, namely, how nationalism in one state or region affects another state's foreign policy. The case study from which the author draws empirical material involves the Greek response to Yugoslav Macedonian nationalism since World War II.
The papers delivered at the 1995 Oxford conference organised by Peter Mackridge of St. Cross College collected in this work cover a wide area of disciplines: "Disputed identities: Historical perspectives", "The anthropology of assimilation", "Creating an indigenous literary tradition" and "The revival of the 'Macedonian' question, 1991-95".
The authors scrutinise the reports of various NGOs on the alleged Macedonian minority in Greece and try to prove that these have, perhaps unwittingly, been recycling propaganda from Skopje. They blame the reports for the so-called patchwork fallacy, i.e. their habit of generalising based on one example some attempts from time to time often etc. In refuting allegations of mistreatment of three slavo-macedonian activists, the authors mention the case of Mr. (former Reverend) Tsaknias who insisted on wearing the cloth after having been defrocked by the Church of Greece for homosexual practices. The authors argument is not helped, however, by a serious mistake: they say that Tsaknias was persecuted (footnote 28 p. 165) when they obviously mean prosecuted.
Sfetas, Spyridon and Kentrotis, Kyriakos, "Skopje: In search of an identity and international recognition. A critique of the recent publication by the Skopje Academy of Sciences and Arts: Macedonia and its relations with Greece (Skopje, 1993)", Balkan Studies,Thessaloniki, 35/2 (1984), 337-377.
This is certainly not a neutral exposι of the Macedonian question that flared up in the early 1990s; it is a scrupulously documented and dispassionate refutation point by point of Skopjes allegations on the history of their country and a comprehensive presentation of the official Greek point of view on each point of controversy. The authors attempt to prove beyond reasonable doubt that the ancient Macedonians were indeed Greeks; that no Macedono-Slavonic nation distinct from the Bulgars and the Serbs has ever existed; that the Macedonian nation is a construct of the Communist International to boost Titos bid for supremacy in the Balkans at the expense of Bulgaria and Greece and that even if a modus vivendi is reached between Athens and Skopje it will be very difficult for Balkan historians to reach any sort of agreement about the historical aspects of the Macedonian question.
The author of this article deals with the damage to Greek-Serbian relations caused by the Politis-Kalfov Protocol of September 1924 between Greece and Bulgaria. According to the agreement, all slavonic speakers in Greece were considered Bulgarians. As a result, Belgrade denounced the 1913 Greek-Serbian Treaty of Alliance and tried to win over slavonic-speakers of Greek Macedonia with some success. In 1925 ninety-two families emigrated from Greece to Serbia and others signed letters addressed to the League of Nations declaring that they were ethnic Serbians and demanded minority rights. The creation of minorities with the aim to use them as pawns has a long tradition in the history of the Balkan states.
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